Learn to speak French in just three months with this practical and comprehensive self-study language course.Whether you're a complete beginner or wanting to refresh your knowledge, Hugo: French in Three Months will have you speaking French fluently in just 12 weeks. With a fresh new look and an accompanying audio app, the latest edition of this classic self-study course provides all the resources needed to speak, read, and write in French.The 12 weekly chapters contain lessons on the key grammatical structures and present a range of useful vocabulary, along with exercises to reinforce your learning. The essentials of French grammar are clearly explained and tested in conversational exercises, giving you the authentic feel of the language. In addition to a written "imitated pronunciation" guide, which replaces French sounds with English syllables you're already familiar with, the new audio app also allows you to perfect your pronunciation - at home or on the go.Whether you're learning French for work, a future holiday, or because you're interested in languages, this course is the perfect place to start. Learning French has never been so easy!
Hugo: French In Three Months
Download: https://urlca.com/2vKRem
Learn to speak French in just three months with this practical and comprehensive self-study language course. Whether you're a complete beginner or wanting to refresh your knowledge, Hugo: French in Three Months will have you speaking French fluently in just 12 weeks. With a fresh new look and an accompanying audio app, the latest edition of this classic self-study course provides all the resources needed to speak, read, and write in French.
When Hugo witnessed that scene, he was already three months into writing his novel. Until then, it had centered around Fantine, a poor woman forced into prostitution to earn a crust of bread. Into that plot, he folded the story of Jean Valjean, an out-of-work peasant who steals a loaf of bread in order feed not just himself but his sister and her seven children. Hugo lays out the family's circumstances in a few short, harsh lines:
Across a stone bridge from Grand-Rue is a replica Rodin bust of French writer Victor Hugo. In 1871 Hugo stayed for three months in the house facing this point, part of his 19-year exile from France. Those three months were long enough for him to get the Vianden castle architect fired for substandard reconstruction work. Along with Hugo's manuscripts and sketches, highlights of the house-turned-musem include stupendous castle views from its windows.
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Sometimes life can seem to hang by a thread. During the three months he spent as a captive in the Malian desert, Pierre Camatte had a ritual. Each morning he would write in the sand the number of days since he was seized, and tie another knot on a string plucked from his headscarf before burying it deep in his pocket.
After three months of isolation and bullying at the hands of his captors, he tied his 90th knot. It would be the last. After his release, as he was bundled from embassy to airport, the hostage held on tight to his precious piece of string.
Later in 1942 the hit comedy My Sister Eileen moved in from the Biltmore, and in 1943 Gertrude Lawrence returned from a tour in her psychological musical Lady in the Dark and played for three months at the Broadway in this Moss Hart/Kurt Weill/Ira Gershwin classic. This was followed by a revival of The Student Prince and the San Carlo Opera Company in repertory.
But what about citizens who reside outside their country of citizenship? Is there a corresponding requirement that those who do not live in the state, or who spend a considerable amount of time away from it, renounce citizenship? How should a political community relate to its members who are geographically distant from the ‘centre’? Should those who are not physically present in the state have a right to participate in politics at all? Such questions are implicit in the ways in which various European states relate to communities of non-resident and expatriate citizens. In what follows, I shall briefly sketch the situation of non-resident and expatriate citizens of a number of European states. A persistent difficulty in this enterprise lies in the fact that the statistics are often unreliable. Registration of citizens with consulates abroad is often voluntary and some countries, such as the Netherlands, have abolished it altogether. Thus, for example, while the number of Hungarians in France is estimated at 25,000 or so, less than 2000 have actually registered, despite a Hungarian law requiring citizens to register with their consulate if their stay abroad exceeds three months. 24
Germany’s resident population is approximately 82 million, of whom some 7 million do not hold German citizenship. 32 As a sign of their lack of political importance, no reliable statistics on the number of German citizens living abroad are available. “Even the German Foreign Office was unable to determine the number of persons with valid German passports living abroad when a survey of German embassies was carried out in preparation for the 1987 general election.” 33 The only available statistic is that almost 800,000 Germans emigrated in 1993. 34 A complicating factor for studying the nexus between stateness and citizenship in Germany, particularly in terms of political participation, is the federal system. In electoral as in many other matters, the Länder can often set their own policies. Germans resident abroad have had the vote at the federal level since 1985, but only under specific circumstances. In order to be eligible to vote, German citizens must have resided in Germany continuously for at least three months before leaving the country. 35 If they qualify by having lived in Germany continuously for at least three months, Germans resident in Europe or Russia 36 have the right to vote irrespective of the length of time they have lived abroad. Those citizens residing elsewhere lose their right to vote ten years after their departure. 37
*: Paper prepared for a panel on “The Question of Citizenship in a Changing World: Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives,” International Studies Association 1999 Annual Convention, Washington D.C. Back.Note 1: This paper has benefited from discussion by the Research and Writing seminar for second-year PhD students in Political Science at Yale University, led by Ian Shapiro and Geoffrey Garrett. I have also learned much recently from David Cameron, Herman van Gunsteren, Juan Linz and Pauline Jones Luong. All the (many) shortcomings, of course, remain mine. Back.Note 2: Connie L. McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State: International Organization and Prescriptive Action (Westport CT and London: Greenwood Press, 1995), p. 10. Back.Note 3: This definition of citizenship is drawn from Charles Tilly, “Citizenship, Identity and Social History,” chapter 1 in Charles Tilly, ed., Citizenship, Identity and Social History, International Review of Social History vol. 40, supplement 3 (1995) pp. 1-17 (Amsterdam: Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 1996), p. 8. Back.Note 4: See Elizabeth Meehan, Citizenship and the European Community (London: Sage, 1993), especially chapter 1. Back.Note 5: See Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994), documenting how non-citizens have recently gained important social rights. Back.Note 6: See David J. Elkins, Beyond Sovereignty: Territory and Political Economy in the Twenty-First Century (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995), which refers to the rise of the territorial nation-state and considers some alternative non-territorial forms of political organisation. Back.Note 7: See McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State, p. 3. McNeely notes that, although the roots of the modern state were visible by 1300, “it was not until just before the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 that the future dominance of the nation-state form was assured. More, the Treaty of Westphalia is typically cast as marking the historical shift to a new international order,” one in which nation-states are the dominant form of political authority and organisation. McNeely refers also to P.T. Manicas, “The Legitimation of the Modern State: A Historical and Structural Account,” in R. Cohen and J.D. Toland, eds., State Formation and Political Legitimacy (New Brunswick NJ: Transaction, 1988), p. 173; Stephen D. Krasner, “Westphalia and All That,” in J. Goldstein and R.O. Keohane, eds., Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Insitutions, and Political Change (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1993). Back.Note 8: Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Back.Note 9: Max Weber, “The Fundamental Concepts of Sociology” in The Theory of Social and Economic Organizations, ed. Talcott Parsons (New York: The Free Press, 1964), p.156. Cited in Stepan, pp. xi-xii. Back.Note 10: Lisa Anderson, “The State in the Middle East and North Africa,” Comparative Politics 20, 1 (October 1987). Compare Lisa Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986). Back.Note 11: Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg, “Why Africa’s Weak States Persist: The Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood,” World Politics 35, 1 (October 1982), p. 4. Indeed, Jackson and Rosberg conclude that juridical statehood is more important than empirical statehood to account for the persistence of states in most of Africa. In Europe, by contrast, empirical statehood tended to precede juridical statehood, which helps explain the greater reliance on the notion of empirical statehood in evaluations of state formation. Back.Note 12: Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the national question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 1-2. See also David Beecham, “The Future of the Nation-State,” in Gregor McLenna et al ., eds., The Idea of the Modern State (Milton Keynes, UK and Philadelphia PA: Open University Press, 1984) Back.Note 13: Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, pp. 3-4. Back.Note 14: Giddens, “Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship,” chapter 8 in Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1985). Back.Note 15: McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State, p. 11. Back.Note 16: Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, especially Chapter 2 on the French Revolution and the Invention of National Citizenship and chapter 7, “Être Français, Cela se Mérite”: Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in France in the 1980s. Back.Note 17: Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, p. 43. Back.Note 18:Ibid., p.46 Back.Note 19: Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, p. 233. Back.Note 20: Charles Tilly, “Citizenship, Identity and Social History,” chapter 1 in Charles Tilly, ed., Citizenship, Identity and Social History, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 5-6. Back.Note 21: See e.g. Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, op. cit. Back.Note 22: See Yasemin Soysal, Limits of Citizenship Back.Note 23: Herman van Gunsteren, A Theory of Citizenship: Organizing Plurality in Contemporary Democracies (Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1998), p.97. Back.Note 24: Council of Europe, Introductory report for the conference on the links between Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin (Strasbourg: Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 1997) p. 6. Hereafter Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin Back.Note 25: For this distinction, see Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, particularly chapter 4. Back.Note 26: The countries with the largest population of French citizens are: the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, Canada, Spain and Portugal. Statistics compiled from Durand-Chastel, 1998, and Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.26. Back.Note 27: See also Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p.10. Back.Note 28: Source: Caisse des Français de l’Étranger Back.Note 29: In 1997, this fund totalled some 99 million francs and counted some 5385 beneficiaries. Back.Note 30: See McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State, p. 117. Back.Note 31: Union des Français de l’étranger, Pays-Bas, “Les Nouvelles,” spring 1998. Back.Note 32: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.26. Back.Note 33: Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p.11. Back.Note 34: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.26. Back.Note 35: The three months must have commenced after May 23, 1949. Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, “Wählen Sie Mit!” [information pamphlet for Germans resident abroad] (Bonn, 1998). Back.Note 36: The Federal Electoral Law refers to Germans resident in a member state of the Council of Europe. In effect, this means the European continent plus, since 1996, the Russian Federation. Back.Note 37: German Government, “Election Special: Germany Goes to the Polls” (Bonn: Inter Nationes, 1998) p. 5. Back.Note 38: Government of Denmark, Parliamentary Elections and Election Administration in Denmark (Copenhagen: Ministry of the Interior, 1996), p.23. In 1995, the Local Government Election Act was changed so that citizens of other European Union countries and citizens of the other Nordic countries possess voting rights, including the right to stand as a candidate, with no minimum residence requirement (except the 22-day requirement to which all voters are subject). Citizens of other countries have a three-year residence requirement before they, too, possess the right to vote and stand as a candidate in municipal elections. Ibid., p.25. Back.Note 39: Government of Denmark, Parliamentary Election Act of Denmark (Copenhagen: Ministry of the Interior, 1994), pp. 3-4. Government of Denmark, Local Government Election Act . Act No. 140 of March 8th 1989, Part 1 1-4. Back.Note 40: Government of Denmark, Parliamentary Elections and Election Administration in Denmark, p.24. The descriptively named Franchise Board adjudicates such cases. Back.Note 41: Government of Denmark, Parliamentary Elections and Election Administration in Denmark, pp. 34, 39, 37. Advance voting abroad can also take place with a ‘vote receiver’ specially appointed by the Ministry of the Interior. This provision is generally used to serve Danish military personnel abroad. Back.Note 42:Ibid., p.47. Back.Note 43: Government of Denmark, Parliamentary Elections and Election Administration in Denmark, p.25. Back.Note 44: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.26. Back.Note 45: Government of Finland, 1998 (reply to my questionnaire). Back.Note 46: Personal communication (letter from National Tax Board, Elections Unit). Back.Note 47: Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p. 20. Back.Note 48: Personal communication to author, op. cit . Back.Note 49: Statistics as at August 1, 1998. Compiled from personal communication to author, op. cit. Back.Note 50: Personal communication to author, op. cit . Back.Note 51: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.27. Back.Note 52: Ibid., p.26. Back.Note 53: Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p.4. Back.Note 54: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.26. Back.Note 55: Cited in Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p.5. Back.Note 56: Government of Belgium, Ministerraad van 24 juli 1998 - Persbericht, “Stemrecht voor Belgen in het buitenland.” Back.Note 57: Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.27. Back.Note 58: Ibid. Back.Note 59: Council of Europe, Report on Europeans living abroad, p.14. Back.Note 60: Ibid., p.18. Back.Note 61: Ibid., p.19; Council of Europe, Europeans living abroad and their countries of origin, p.27. Back.Note 62: McNeely, Constructing the Nation-State, p. 11. McNeely cites F.O. Ramirez and G.M. Thomas, “Structural Antecedents and Consequences of Statism,” in G.M. Thomas, J.W. Meyer, F.O. Ramirez and J. Boli, Institutional Structure: Constituting the State, Society, and the Individual (Beverly Hills CA: Sage, 1987). Back.Note 63: In Québec, one often hears talk of a ‘ projet de société ’; political parties cannot succeed politically without such a project. Back.Note 64: See Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1991). Back.Note 65: See Michael J. Shapiro, “Moral Geographies and the Ethics of Post-Sovereignty,” Public Culture 6(3), pp. 479-502. Back.Note 66: Raymond Aron, for example, answers the question “Is Multinational Citizenship Possible?” with an emphatic “No!” Back.Note 67: The exception, of course, is the many studies examining themes related to the remittances paid by ‘guest workers’ to relatives in their (almost always developing country) ‘homelands’. Back.Note 68: See Yasemin Soysal, Limits of Citizenship . David Jacobson takes this approach even further, arguing that a ‘paradigmatic shift’ has changed the very nature of citizenship in the ‘Euro-Atlantic core’, a shift which relocates citizenship from nation-state sovereignty to the international human rights regime. David Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). Back.Note 69: The empirical numbers on this are difficult to find, but increasing numbers of authors are starting to look more closely at the phenomenon of dual or multiple citizenship. Whereas in the past it was considered an undesirable or even a reprehensible situation for individuals to find themselves in, the legal concurrence in and acceptance of plural citizenship is growing. See Meehan, Citizenship and the European Community for a brief sketch. Back.Note 70: This is the essence of Habermas’s piece on “Immigration, Citizenship and National Identity” in his response to Charles Taylor. Jürgen Habermas, “Struggles for Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State,” in Amy Gutman (ed.) Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (Princeton University Press, 1994). Back.Note 71: See, for example, Yasemin Soysal, Limits of Citizenship. Back.Note 72: In the case of Canada, she must have “the intention of eventually returning to Canada.” Back.Note 73: In the Politics, Aristotle affirms that a polis need not be tied to a geographic location. Indeed, historically, the citizens of several city-states simply moved their whole state to a new location. For example, the Ionian Greeks of Phokaia and Teos moved their poleis, to Italian Elea and Thracian Abdera respectively, to escape rule by the Persian king Cyrus. Philip Brook Manville, The Origins of Citizenship in Ancient Athens (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 39. Back.Note 74: Consider the case of the dual citizen who can simultaneously claim social welfare rights in two jurisdictions, or of so-called ‘satellite parents’ with, for example, dual Taiwanese and Canadian citizenship who leave their children ‘home alone’ in Canada—thereby allowing them to benefit from Canadian educational and social services and avoid military service in Taiwan—while themselves continuing to live and work in Taiwan. Back.Note 75: See Van Gunsteren, A Theory of Citizenship, especially chapter 8. Back.Note 76: Jean-Marie Guéhenno, La fin de la démocratie (Paris: Flammarion, 1993); By contrast, Elkins envisions increased choice flowing from the decline of sovereignty. David J. Elkins, Beyond Sovereignty, op. cit. note 6. Back.Note 77: Henry J. Barkey, “State Autonomy and the Crisis of Import Substitution,” Comparative Political Studies vol. 22 no. 3 (October 1989) pp. 291-314. This definition of and approach to state autonomy is adapted by Barkey from N. Hamilton, The Limits of State Autonomy: Post-Revolutionary Mexico (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982) p. 12. Back.Note 78: David Cesarani and Mary Fulbrook, “Introduction” in Cesarani and Fulbrook, eds., Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1996). Back.Note 79: And irredentist movements, as well as calls for secession or annexation. Back.Note 80: See James C. Scott, “Why the state is the enemy of people who move around” (unpublished paper), and Seeing Like a State (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1998). Back.Note 81: Pocock notes: “A plurality of communities or sovereignties that take turns in demanding one’s allegiance, while conceding that each and every allocation of allegiance is partial, contingent and provisional, is denying one the freedom to make a final commitment which determines one’s identity, and that is plainly the post-modern danger.” The Ideal of Citizenship Since Classical Times, p. 47. Back.Note 82: See Herman van Gunsteren, A Theory of Citizenship, especially chapter 2 and pp. 133-153. Cf. Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman, “Return of the Citizen: A Survey of Recent Work on Citizenship Theory,” Ethics 104 (January 1994). Back. 2ff7e9595c
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